Sexual Assault

Sex Offender Registration for the Offense of Indecent Exposure

Most “sex offenses” in Texas are felonies. Most sex offenses involve some sort of physical contact or an indecent act with a minor. However, there is one offense that is classified as a low-level Class B misdemeanor, than can result in sex offender registration.

Indecent Exposure under Section 21.08 of the Texas Penal Code is a Class B misdemeanor, which means it only carries a range of punishment of 0-180 days in county jail and a fine up to $2,000. Indecent Exposure can range from urinating on a public golf course, to having intercourse in a parked car in a public parking lot, to flashing someone. A person convicted or sentenced to Deferred Adjudication for Indecent Exposure does not typically have to register as a sex offender. If the offense is the first time that person has been charged or convicted with Indecent Exposure, then there is no registration requirement.

10-Year Sex Offender Registration for the 2nd Indecent Exposure Conviction

Under Section 62.005(5)(F) of the Texas Penal Code, a person is required to register as a sex offender for a period of 10 years for “the second violation of Section 21.08 (Indecent exposure), Penal Code.” However, “if the second violation results in a deferred adjudication,” then the person is not required to register. Because the statute uses the term “violation,” instead of “conviction,” a first charge of Indecent Exposure that results in a deferred adjudication still counts toward the total, even if the defendant ultimately has their case dismissed. So it is imperative that a defense attorney negotiate for a deferred adjudication if their client has a previous conviction or deferred for Indecent Exposure.

See what other crimes require Sex Offender Registration in Texas.

Alcohol and Memory: An Interview with Texas Forensic Psychologist, Dr. Kelly Goodness, Ph.D

As you can probably imagine, many criminal cases involve events that occur when people are intoxicated. This can be especially true for cases involving allegations of sexual offenses. In these alcohol-fueled situations, the issue of memory can play a large part in the case. When we encounter intoxication and memory issues in sexual assault cases, we often employ the assistance of a forensic psychologist to serve as either an expert consultant or expert witness.  One of the best in her field is Dr. Kelly Goodness of Keller, Texas. Dr. Goodness is an expert in alcohol and the brain, including the difference between “pass out” and “blackout” evidence.  She is one of the most highly employed experts for alcohol-related sexual assault cases involving members of the U.S. Military. What follows is an interview that we conducted with Dr. Goodness regarding how alcohol can impact a person’s memory and how it can apply to the sexual assault context.
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Q: Dr. Goodness, How is Alcohol Related to Memory?

A: Alcohol is a potent amnestic agent. Beginning with just one or two drinks, alcohol can produce detectable memory impairments. As the dose increases, so does the potential magnitude of the memory impairments, all the way up to the total inability to recall events during a drinking episode, otherwise known as a blackout.

Q: How does alcohol disrupt memory formation?

A: There are three general processes involved in long-term memory formation, all of which can be impacted by alcohol. First, information must be perceived by one or more of the senses (sight, hearing, taste, smell, and touch) to form a sensory memory which can last a few seconds. Second, if concentrated on for more than about eight seconds, sensory memory can be transferred to short-term memory to be retained. Short-term memory can last from seconds to minutes, depending on distractions and ability to rehearse or repeat the information. Third, once some kind of association or sufficient repetition has occurred; information can be consolidated, encoded and transferred from short-term memory into long-term memory which then makes the information available for later recall.

Alcohol, affects all stages of the memory process, but the primary effect is on the transfer of information from short-term to long-term memory storage. The drinker can recall long-term memories that were established before they became intoxicated, but their ability to transfer information into long-term storage can begin to degrade with just one or two drinks. As the dose of alcohol increases, the impairment increases and can culminate in blackouts. When blackouts occur the individual can participate in complex activities and even very emotionally charged events that they later cannot remember.

Q: You mentioned blackouts. What exactly is a blackout?

A: Blackouts are periods of amnesia, caused by excessive consumption of alcohol, during which a person actively engages in behaviors, but the brain’s ability to create memories for what transpires is impaired or non-existent. This leaves holes in a person’s memory that can range from spotty recall for events of the previous night (or drinking episode) to the utter absence of memory for large portions of an evening. The person is still able to carry on conversations, engage in activities and respond to others. They just will not recall some or all of what occurred.

Q: Are there different types of blackouts that a person can experience?

A: Yes. There are En Bloc Blackouts and Fragmentary Blackouts. Blackouts are classified based on the extent of amnesia. The amnesia can be total (“en bloc”) or partial (“fragmentary”).

En Bloc blackouts are classified by the inability to later recall any memories from the intoxication period, even when prompted or given cues.

• No matter what happens, you can never recall it.
• The information was never recorded so recall is not possible.
• Memory of what transpired cannot be restored through hypnosis or any other means because no memory ever truly existed.
• It is difficult to determine the end of this type of blackout as sleep typically occurs before they end.

Think of a loved one you have known who has Alzheimer’s. They may tell you what they had for dinner and five minutes later tell you the exact same thing. They never recorded the event of initially informing you in the first place, so they tell you again. En Bloc blackouts are essentially the same phenomenon – just with a different cause.

Fragmentary blackouts are characterized by the inability to recall some events from an intoxicated period, but not all events.

• The person may be unaware that memories are missing until reminded by others of the existence of these “gaps” in memory.
• Cues can help them remember at least some of what happened because at least some of the information actually was recorded.
• They may have more snapshot type recall and it may not be in sequential order.
• Research indicates fragmentary blackouts are far more common than en bloc blackouts and likely involve alcohol-induced deficits in contextual memory.

Q: Is a blackout different from passing out?

A: Yes, they are different. Although many people refer to “passing out” as going to sleep following ingestion of alcohol, when I say “pass out” in my testimony or describing the research, I am referring to the more formal definition as used in the field of alcohol treatment, in which a pass out is a loss of consciousness due to excessive alcohol intake. By definition, blackout and pass out are mutually exclusive: a blackout is amnesia for the events of any part of a drinking episode, without loss of consciousness. A person in blackout continues to interact and perform complex activities, but has amnesia for these events. A person who is passed out is unconscious and is not having any behavioral experiences to record.

Q: Can blackout and pass out co-occur?

A: Yes. Passing out and blacking out can co-occur. Under the right conditions, a person who consumed alcohol to the point of passing out can be awakened from sleep, engage in activities and have a blackout for that time period.

Q: Can you tell if someone is having a blackout?

A: Determining whether someone is in a blackout state from their behavior alone is next-to impossible. To outside observers, the person may appear to be aware and functioning well enough. During blackouts, people can participate in events ranging from the mundane, like eating food, to the emotionally charged, like fights or serious aggression, with little or no recall. They can drive a car, have a normal conversation, or engage in sexual relations.

Even loved ones are unlikely to know. We know that the wives of alcoholics who are known to be prone to blackouts may only know their husband was blacked out when he does not recall information the next day.

Research designed to bring about blackouts shows that those who are in the midst of an En Bloc blackout can easily recall things that have occurred within the last 2 minutes, yet they cannot recall anything that occurs during the episode prior to this period.

Q: From your knowledge of the research on this topic, what causes blackouts?

A: Blackouts are caused by the selective effects of alcohol on specific brain systems and involve a breakdown in the production and utilization of proteins and neurotransmitters in the brain. Blackouts can occur from rapid consumption of alcohol, such as guzzling, chugging, or shots and are more likely with consumption of hard alcohol or the combination of hard alcohol and beer, versus beer alone.

Q: Is there a typical Blood-Alcohol Concentration (BAC) at which a blackout is likely to occur?

A: Blackout BAC’s are individual dependent, but we know the blood-alcohol level is typically very high (above 0.25) when a blackout occurs. Some recent studies indicate .28 to .30 as the median BAC at which blackout is likely to occur. Still, a person can experience a fragmentary blackout with a BAC as low as .08 and an en bloc blackout with a BAC of.14 and above. These can only be used as estimates.

Q: Is intoxication level synonymous with blackouts?

A: No. Intoxication depends not only on the blood alcohol level, but on the rate of increase and tolerance of the individual. One may have a blackout without appearing grossly impaired. One may be drunk with poor judgment and control but not blackout. This is why even eye-witnesses may be (and usually are) unaware that a person is having a blackout.

Q: Are there any known risk factors for blackouts?

A: Yes. The following are risk factors typically associated with alcohol blackouts:

• Drinking on an empty stomach as there is less food to absorb alcohol
• History of serious head injury
• Heavy drinker - but to be sure - a blackout can happen with a single drinking episode and naïve drinkers are not immune
• History of prior alcohol blackouts - past history of blackouts shows the person is vulnerable ad also can produce damage that predisposes the person to future blackouts
• Genetic predisposition
• Alcohol in combination with certain common drugs
• Female

Q: Why are females more vulnerable to memory impairment when drinking?

A: Several reasons.

• Females typically weigh less.
• They also have less water in their bodies, which means that they cannot dilute the alcohol as well, which can result in a higher alcohol levels in the brain.
• Females are more likely to skip meals to save calories when they drink which means there is less food in the stomach to help absorb alcohol.
• Females are more likely to drink beverages that are higher in alcohol concentration such as wine and mixed drinks rather than beer.
• Females have less of an enzyme in the gut that breaks down alcohol before it gets into the body. In fact, studies have shown that it takes much less alcohol for women to experience blackouts than for men.

Q: What does research indicate is the prevalence rate of blackouts?

A: Research shows that 50% of college-age drinkers experience blackouts. Further, one in four college students who drink will experience a blackout in a given year. Although blackouts commonly occur with alcoholics, blackouts also occur in 25% of social drinkers.

Q: How can we know if a blackout is real or feigned?

A: It is hard to know. However, we can look at the known risk factors I previously discussed to determine whether the person was at a legitimate risk of experiencing a blackout.

Q: How does a drinker usually know if they passed out or experienced a blackout?

A: The short answer is they often do not know – and they especially do not know for sure given holes in their memory. Passout or blackout experiences are deduced from the circumstances in which the drinker finds themselves once they rouse, or from the information they are provided by others, or a combination of both. Loosing time through passout or a blackout can be very disturbing to an individual.

Once they wake, begin to sober, or are confronted by information from their surroundings or facts alleged by others; the drinker does what we all do all the time – they try to make sense of their situation by filling in the blanks with what seems logical to them. Their efforts may lead them to inaccurate assumptions and conclusions. This can be particularly true when the drinker has personal (i.e., religious, moral, employment) reasons for being distressed by behaviors such as those involving sexual activity.

Q: Can you explain how you would distinguish between a blackout and a pass out?

A: The fact patterns must be considered. If a person is so intoxicated that they are rendered unconscious, it should take significant time to return to normal cognitive and motor functioning. On the other hand, if a drinker was able to get up, communicate generally coherently, engage in physical movement, but later could not recall doing so, a blackout is much more likely.

Q: In a sexual assault allegation, why is it significant that the complainant might have been in a blackout rather than passed out?

A: Many who have experienced a blackout presume they physically and mentally could not have initiated or participated in sexual activity since they have no memory of doing so and may conceptualize themselves as someone who would never engage in sex in that situation or perhaps even with that person. Moreover, the notion they may have engaged in sex may bring them great cognitive dissonance and angst. As such, they may jump to the conclusion that they were passed out which by definition (unconscious) would mean they could not have participated. In reality, those who are in a blackout can, and do, engage in very complex behaviors including initiating and participating in sexual activity they simply will not recall because the memory traces were not encoded. To be sure, a person in a blackout can continue to perform any number of complex behaviors including driving, making purchases, arguing, criminal activity, and importantly – initiating and engaging in sexual activity - making it sometimes vital for fact finders to understand the psychological science related to blackouts.

Q: Thank you for your time, Dr. Goodness. If someone wanted to retain you to review a sexual assault case, how would they go about doing that?

A: They can either email me at kelly.goodness@drgoodness.com or contact my office at (817) 379-4663 and we can go from there.
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As you can see, alcohol can have a significant impact not only in the decisions that a person makes, but also in the way they remember those decisions. In the sexual assault context, this is particularly important because a complaining witness may engage in (and perhaps even initiate) sexual behavior and not remember what he or she did. Without a memory of the night’s events, the complaining witness might mistakenly believe that they were “passed out” when the sexual behavior occurred and that they were taken advantage of by an opportunistic assailant, when in all reality, they were an active and willing participant. Based on their words and actions, others around them, including their sexual partner, would have no idea that the person was experiencing an en bloc or fragmentary blackout.

Thank you to Dr. Kelly Goodness for her time an expertise in preparing this article. Dr. Goodness’s contact information is provided below:

Kelly R. Goodness, Ph.D
Clinical and Forensic Psychology
121 Olive Street
Keller, Texas 76248
www.drgoodness.com
Office: (817) 379-4663

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Brandon Barnett is a criminal defense attorney with Barnett Howard & Williams PLLC in Fort Worth, Texas. He earned his J.D. from Texas Tech University School of Law and his LL.M. from George Washington University Law School. He is also a military judge in the Marine Corps Reserve and an adjunct professor at Texas A&M University Law School. He can be reached at barnett@bhwlawfirm.com.

Kelly Goodness, Ph.D. began her career as a clinical psychologist at the maximum security forensic hospital in Vernon, Texas. She entered private practice after learning lessons that could never be taught in a book and achieving recognition for her ability to identify and treat the factors that led individuals to be labeled the most dangerous and violent psychiatric patients in Texas. Dr. Goodness developed a thriving practice as a criminal litigation consultant and expert witness who feels privileged to offer her expertise in jury selection, case theory, expert testimony, and case presentation to the parties in state, federal and military cases worldwide with a special focus on homicide and sexual assault.

In Texas, the law governing sex offender registration contains several provisions that apply specifically to juveniles. This means that sex offender registration works differently in juvenile cases than it does in adult cases. This article will highlight how sex offender registration works in the Texas juvenile justice system and why this is an appropriate approach to take in these cases. This article will not discuss exemptions to the sex offender registration law for certain young adult offenders.

Sex Offender Registration in Juvenile Cases

The two biggest differences between sex offender registration in adult and juvenile cases involves how long the duty to register lasts and exemptions or deferrals for certain juvenile cases.

Expiration of the Duty to Register

Sex offender registration in Texas is contained in Chapter 62 of the Texas Code of Criminal Procedure. Under Section 62.101, the duty to register in adult cases is for life. However, in juvenile cases, the duty to register ends ten years after the end of the sentence. This ten-year provision also applies to juvenile cases that are certified and transferred to adult court.

Exemptions for Certain Juvenile Cases

According to Section 62.351 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, either during or after the dispositional hearing in a case in which a juvenile has been adjudicated for a registrable offense, the court can hold a hearing to determine whether the interests of the public require this particular juvenile to register under Chapter 62. This hearing will only be held if, prior to the hearing, the attorney for the juvenile has filed a motion asking the court to consider exempting him from the registration requirements.

During this hearing, which does not involve a jury, the juvenile must prove by a preponderance of the evidence that the protection of the public would not be increased by the registration or that any increase in the protection of the public is clearly outweighed by the anticipated substantial harm to the juvenile and his family caused by registration. After the hearing, the court, under Section 62.352, can make one of several rulings. If the court determines that the juvenile has met his burden of proof, the court must exempt the child from the duty to register. If the juvenile has not met his burden, the judge can either make the child register, make the registration nonpublic, or defer the decision on registration until after the juvenile has completed treatment.

Deferral of the Registration Requirement Certain Juvenile Cases

If the court decides to defer the registration, the juvenile is not required to register during the deferral period. This deferral will automatically turn into an exemption if the juvenile successfully completes treatment, unless the prosecuting attorney files a motion requesting a hearing to reconsider the issue of registration.

Other Scenarios

Under Sections 62.353 and 62.354, juveniles who are already registering under Chapter 62, or those who are required to register due to an out-of-state adjudication, may also petition the court to have their registration either deferred or waived. These provisions require a hearing similar to that discussed above with exemptions.

Tarrant County's Approach to Juvenile Sex Offender Registration

No one can guarantee a particular outcome in a specific case. Every case, and every set of facts, is different and unique. However, many times, in Tarrant County, if a motion is filed by the juvenile’s attorney, the court will consider deferring the registration requirement until the end of probation to see if the juvenile can successfully complete treatment.

Other States' Approaches to Juvenile Sex Offender Registration

It is important to note that not all states have a provision for exempting or deferring a juvenile’s sex offender registration requirements. This means that if a child is adjudicated of a sex offense requiring registration in Texas and then moves out of state, he may be required to register under the new state’s laws.

Why is This an Appropriate Approach to Juvenile Sex Offender Registration?

At first blush, exempting juveniles from registering after they have been adjudicated of a sex offense seems wrong. However, it is important to remember that sex offender registration is a far-reaching consequence that can have profound effects on the life of the person subject to registration. These effects can be even more profound when the person who must register is an 11 or 12-year-old child. It is also important to note that research has shown repeatedly that juveniles who successfully complete treatment are less likely to reoffend than adults. Many juveniles who commit sexual offenses are not pedophiles, but instead, are curious, experimenting, or have not yet developed an acceptable level of impulse control.

While these behaviors are wrong, serious, and need to be addressed, sex offender registration is not the appropriate vehicle to do that. By allowing the exemption or deferral of registration in juvenile cases, Chapter 62 allows judges to evaluate each of these very different cases on their merits and apply the law in the most appropriate way for that case. It also allows juveniles to have a chance at rehabilitation before imposing drastic and long-lasting consequences on them that may devastate their lives before they ever really begin.

Conclusion

Sex offender registration is applied differently in adult cases than it is in juvenile cases. This is due to a few provisions in the law that apply specifically to juveniles. The biggest difference in the two systems is that, in juvenile cases, the judge has discretion over the issue of registration. The court can, if it chooses, defer that registration to see how the juvenile does in treatment. This allows courts to tailor a disposition and consequences to better suit a particular juvenile’s situation while still providing for the protection of the public.

This article is not intended to provide legal advice about any particular case. It is only intended to be a general overview of the sex offender registration law in juvenile cases. For legal advice, please consult an attorney about your case.

Is Sleep Sex a Real Thing and How Can it Apply to Sexual Allegations?

You may have heard of sleepwalking, or sleeptalking, but what about sleep sex? The idea of sleep sex or "sexsomnia" is typically worth a few laughs when you first hear about it, but it is a very real disorder within the parasomnia umbrella of disorders (classified by the DSM-V).  Google it (with caution, of course).  You'll find many articles discussing real people that suffer from sexsomnia.

What is "Sexsomnia?"

Also called "sleep sex," sexsomnia is a type of parasomnia, where the brain is caught in transition between sleeping and waking states. As with other parasomnias -- including sleepwalking, sleep talking, and, sleep driving -- someone who is sleep sexing can seem fully awake and aware, even as he or she is masturbating, or fondling, initiating intercourse with, or even sexually assaulting a bed partner. But he or she truly is asleep.

See Web MD.  There have been several sleep studies and scholarly articles on sleep sex as experts learn more about sexsomnia.

How Does Sleep Sex Apply to a Sex Crime Allegation?

As you can imagine, some criminal defense attorneys have used sexsomnia as a defense to sexual assault allegations. Prosecutors are even being trained on how to overcome the sleep sex defense. But sexsomnia does not apply to every case. The factual allegations often do not support sexsomnia as a viable defense to sexual crimes cases.  But sometimes they do.  An article published in the Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine in 2014 explored 9 criminal cases in which sexsomnia was used as a defense to sexual allegations.  The jury found the defendant not guilty in 7 of the 9 cases.

To establish a viable sexsomnia defense, the defense should be prepared to present witnesses that can establish a pattern of unusual sleep behaviors for the accused.  Further, the defense should look for other things that are known "triggers" for sleep sex, like alcohol use, sleep deprivation, emotional stress, and certain medications. This is a starting point to consider pursuing such a defense and should be coupled with all other typical defense investigatory avenues.

While a sexsomnia defense may cause the jury to chuckle as they think about a person having sex while the person is asleep, it can carry the day if the facts support the defense.  It should not be used as a gimmick.  With the right experts and the right witnesses, a sleep sex defense might just be the truth that sets a person free.

Baiza v. State | How Slowly Should an Officer Read Miranda Warnings?

We all know that the police must read the Miranda warnings before they question someone that is under arrest.  But what does that look like in a practical sense? Can the officer read the Miranda warnings like the side effect warnings in a prescription drug commercial, where we can't understand them? Or does he have to read them slowly, ensuring that the person being questioned fully understands each provision?  This issue recently came up in Baiza v. State, an appellate case in the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals.

Gregory Baiza was convicted for sexual assault of his wife and sentenced to twelve years in prison. Baiza was in a common-law marriage with his wife and had two children together. There was an argument between the two when Baiza found out that his wife was pregnant with their third child. Baiza’s wife claims that Baiza forced himself on her after this argument. Eventually the police were called on the scene.

After Baiza’s wife left for the hospital, she decided to press charges on Baiza. A detective came over to get a statement from Gregory Baiza but he refused. The detective then placed Baiza under arrest. Baiza, however, admitted during the second recorded statement that his wife told him to stop but that he kept going - a statement that would ultimately lead to his conviction for rape at trial.

Baiza argued to the Eleventh Court of Appeals that this admission during the recorded statement should not have been allowed into evidence at the trial court. Baiza argued that when the detective read Baiza the Miranda warnings, he read them so fast that they were unintelligible. Specifically, Baiza argued that he did not hear the warning that he was allowed to terminate the interview at any time.

Strict Compliance with Miranda Rules Not Required, But the Reading of Rights Must be Intelligible

In reviewing this issue, the Eleventh Circuit notes that strict compliance with the Miranda rules is not required, but rather a “substantial compliance” will suffice. “Thus, the warnings given to an accused are effective even if not given verbatim, so long as they convey the ‘fully effective equivalent’ of the warnings.” In order for an admission to be allowed in court, the warnings must also be on the recording. The court listened to the recording to determine if the detective gave the prescribed warnings to Baiza. The detective read the warnings from a card to Baiza. The court slowed down the audio and determined that the detective did in fact inform Baiza that he has the right to terminate the interview. However, the Eleventh Circuit determined that when played at actual speed, the “right to terminate” warning is unintelligible.

The Eleventh Circuit determined that because the “right to terminate” warning was unintelligible, that the warnings were not given and that the trial court erred when it allowed the admission into evidence. The Court then went on to find that they did not have fair assurance that the error did not influence the jury or that the error influenced the jury only slightly by incorrectly allowing this admission into evidence. For these reasons, the Eleventh Circuit reversed the judgment and remanded for a new trial.

It is very difficult to get a case overturned, even when evidence has been incorrectly admitted. But here, the Court finds that even though the detective read Baiza his Miranda warnings, reading them so quickly as to make a key part unintelligible was enough to keep out an admission by Baiza from evidence. Specifically, the court finds that the “right to terminate” is a crucial part of the Miranda warnings and that a detective or officer cannot read them so quickly as to make them unintelligible or any admission shall not be admitted into evidence.

Read the full opinion in Baiza v. State.